Planters Wartstoddlers

Nichi

Luca Telese

Nichi and others. Now that the Left and freedom "goes a bit 'fashion" (ipse dixit), many are asking: who is alongside Vendola? To answer this question must begin with a paradox in mind some recent history (but neglected). The fortunes of the leader of the Left and freedom – infatti – ha voluto che fossero le sue sconfitte di ieri, a selezionare la classe dirigente del suo partito, e le vittorie di oggi a restituirgli credibilità. Ovvero: visto che fino alle ultime regionali Sel non poteva garantire carriere ed elezioni certe, è rimasto intorno al governatore solo chi credeva davvero al suo progetto. Di più: tre diverse scissioni dei movimenti che hanno dato vita al partito di Vendola hanno drenato altrove ogni residuo di apparato e personale politico.
Non è un nodo da poco, se è vero che tutto il congresso di Firenze è stato percorso da interventi (come la giornalista de Il Manifesto Giuliana Sgrena) preoccupati che possano arrivare (ora) “Aspiranti carrieristi”. The first selection filter, for example, where the Congress of the PRC in 2008 Vendola runs for office and is defeated. The governor was counting on 47%. But to keep it out unite against him, in a single deployment, all motions ideological demoproletari ex, ex cossuttiani, a former Trotskyist.
Public financing the real estate and the newspaper are the party that elects a leader Paolo Ferrero. Moral of the story: it follows only one who believes in him. Former Secretary Franco Giordano (who generously announces resignation "To make room for Nichi"), as young Gennaro Migliore, a former feminist as Elettra Deiana, Ciccio Ferrara as a director (even Fausto Bertinotti in Florence in the audience at the beginning is not a member).
The second fundamental pillar of the Democratic Left Sel is, the movement - led by Fabio Mussi - was released by the DS (in Florence). Even then, some executives who abandoned careers: Claudio Fava MEP with preferences for Oak 100 000 (which in fact has not returned to Brussels) and former parliamentary Funny how Gloria and Marco Fumagalli had to start from zero (by distributing leaflets "militants simple "). Young as the field Arturo Scotto (in 2006 was elected the youngest Deputies) or print the current boss of the movement (Paul Faithful) leaving a secure salary to the parliamentary group. The same Mussi (a rare event in his generation) resigned as coordinator "to make way for younger leaders" (and gives his guide to Fava).
But even in the leg, "Green", the selection of the political struggle leading to Vendola "brides without dowries." The current Paolo Cento, Loredana De Petris and Monica Frassoni, in fact, comes from the wing in the Congress of Rome defeated "identity" by Angelo Bonelli won a surprise Congress predestined (he remains a symbol, headquarters, and public funding). Same for the astronaut Umberto Guidoni (PDCI away from without a euro in your pocket).
Other "investment" is not planned, that of Maurice Landini. When you leave the DS with Mussi is "only" a union leader, is now the leader of one of the stronger unions (Fiom) and a TV star.
Even more paradoxical in the case of the Socialists by Riccardo Nencini. The Socialist Party goes away voluntarily from the left and freedom for a (dichiarata!) matter of seats. Nencini, in fact, expected that the dam would have struggled Sel election to elect directors in his region (Tuscany) shows a strange line: agreements in the rest of Italy (patchy), Agreement in Tuscany (with Pd).
End result? His party even if it is exercising a veto on the symbol (which, in fact, for reasons conditions must be changed). There's a handful of intellectuals such as the actor Moni Ovadia, the illustrator Milo Manara, Sergio Staino (Bobo's dad).
Thus, for purposes of a curious heterogenesis, Vendola finds himself on the eve of the regional with a new symbol, and the only party that has made a generational change in leadership (volunteer). With a young ruling class, with a structure changed as that of "Factories" (who was born in Puglia) totally self-financed. Furthermore, not relying on public funds and electoral reimbursements (the first 700 000 € arrive only after winning the regional) the party is projected on modern technology and poor, such as Internet (la curatrice, Sonia Pellizzari, vince l’oscar della rete per il sito del governatore). Nascono campagne di autofinanziamento spartane (anche con prodotti di riciclo come le borse) e torna il volontariato totale: tutto il partito ha solo 4 funzionari e una quindicina di rimborsi spese. Non per virtù, ma per necessità, perché soldi non ce ne sono. La campagna in Puglia costa 500 mila euro (contro i 5 milioni del Pdl).
Insomma, con Vendola non c’è una club di frati francescani, ma un movimenti che per due anni ha traversato il deserto dietro. Giovani come Nicola Fratoianni, 30enne astro nascente del vendolismo, assessore in Puglia e spin doctor e coordinatore delle sue campagne. Alle Europee il partito era inchiodato al 3.3%. After the victory in Puglia and the self-nomination after the primaries to the polls Vendola damage between 4.4% and 6.5%. Which means that for the first time Sel would be able to read a group of 30-40 MPs without apparently. Paradoxically, the problems start now that "the party is in fashion".